How Palantir Pushed America Into War With Iran

Deputy Secretary of Defense Steve Feinberg, who is not a career Pentagon official but the billionaire co-founder of Cerberus Capital Management, signed a letter on March 9 directing that Palantir’s Maven AI system become an official program of record across the US military.

Corruption is clearly the problem.

The order moves oversight from the National Geospatial Intelligence Agency to the Pentagon’s Chief Digital Artificial Intelligence Office, the same office whose director Cameron Stanley demonstrated Maven’s targeting capabilities at a Palantir corporate event earlier this month.

Program of record means Maven gets its own budget line, its own acquisition pathway, and the kind of institutional permanence that survives administrations. Canceling a program of record requires political will that almost never materializes. This is how you make a vendor relationship into infrastructure.

The timing is obvious. Three weeks into a war with Iran. Thousands of strikes executed through Maven. And now the formalization. The war that Palantir wanted, created the dependency, and the dependency justifies the formalization.

But the pipeline started much earlier than the war.

The Assessment

Palantir’s MOSAIC system has been embedded inside the International Atomic Energy Agency since 2015, part of a $50 million contract to modernize the agency’s verification technology. MOSAIC processed approximately 400 million data objects — satellite imagery, facility documents, sensor measurements, social media feeds from inside Iran. It became what the IAEA called the analytical core of its safeguards inspection regime.

MOSAIC is built on Palantir’s predictive policing architecture. It doesn’t just store and organize data. It infers patterns, projects behavior, maps relationships between people, places, and materials. Experts warned early that feeding false assumptions into such a system would generate false returns. Palantir has a documented history of convincing analysts that shadows are real, leading to extrajudicial assassination of innocent people while never being held accountable.

The IAEA’s reports on Iran, shaped in part by MOSAIC’s analysis, were treated by member states as independent, evidence-based assessments.

They were not independent.

They ran on software built by a company whose three most senior figures (Peter Thiel, Alex Karp, and Joe Lonsdale) had all publicly argued that war with Iran was inevitable or desirable.

Lonsdale said he hoped to invest in Iran after regime change. Karp predicted war with Iran would prove the value of Palantir’s autonomous weapons systems. Thiel framed Iranian nuclear capability as a catastrophe requiring preventive action.

The company that built the assessment tool was ideologically committed to the conclusion their tool would generate.

Tehran released documents alleging that IAEA Director General Rafael Grossi shared Palantir-derived intelligence with Israel. Iranian nuclear scientists whose identities were mapped through MOSAIC-processed data were assassinated. Iran’s foreign minister accused the IAEA of using Palantir as a black box, laundering speculative AI projections into reasons for war. Iran suspended IAEA cooperation. And Grossi himself admitted there was no concrete evidence of a weapons program.

None of this stopped the strikes.

The Execution

Maven provided the targeting. It processed satellite feeds, drone footage, signals intelligence, and radar data to identify and prioritize over 1,000 strike options for military planners in the opening weeks of Operation Epic Fury. Palantir’s stock rose 15% in the first week of the war, its strongest weekly gain since August, while the Nasdaq fell 1.2%. Analysts projected another 40% upside if the conflict continues.

Karp appeared on CNBC at Palantir’s AIPCon 9 event in Maryland and tried to take credit without being able to confirm anything classified. He kept saying he had “read” that Maven was “the core backbone” of US operations in the Middle East, that allies “may or may not be users of our platform,” that “without answering your question, were this to work, there’s only one way you can do it.” A CEO performing modesty about how many people his product helped kill, at a corporate marketing event, while his stock price climbed on the body count.

He also claimed Palantir is “the most important protector of the Fourth Amendment.”

Orwell rolled in his grave.

This from a company that built mass surveillance tools for the NSA, the FBI, ICE, and the LAPD let alone the UK and Germany.

The Pipeline

This is the company that built every stage of the Iran war, from assessment to justification to execution to profit.

Each stage created demand for the next.

The monitoring created the threat narrative. The threat narrative created the authorization. The authorization created the targeting contracts. The targeting created the war. The war created the stock rally. The stock rally created the political capital to lock Maven in as a program of record. The program of record ensures the pipeline is permanent.

This is why the US is losing.

The system isn’t optimized for strategic outcomes. It’s optimized for throughput. Maven processed over 1,000 strike options in the first weeks. But the Strait of Hormuz is still blocked. Iran is closer to Russia and China than before. The region is less stable. The conflict has no articulated end state. The AI produced a thousand targets and zero strategy.

Palantir doesn’t need the war to end. Palantir needs the war to continue. Or better yet, for them, to produce the conditions for the next one. The oracle’s incentive is to keep being consulted, not to resolve the question. The unresolved threat is more valuable to every node in the pipeline than resolution would be.

The Lock

Feinberg’s letter orders the transition completed by September. Future contracting goes through the Army, which already has the $10 billion deal with Palantir in place. Oversight goes to the office that already functions as Palantir’s in-house champion.

The company that assessed the threat, justified the war, targeted the strikes, and profits from the continuation now has permanent program-of-record status, directed by a billionaire from the same investor class as the company’s founders.

The corruption is so obvious, history will not be kind to Palantir.

Trump Says Ready For Peace, Will Start New Iran War in 48 Hours

Witkoff and Kushner present terms they know Iran can’t accept, then Trump escalates and points to Iranian intransigence.

It’s diabolical.

Iranian and non-Iranian parties reportedly came to view Witkoff and Kushner as having deliberately misled, not merely incompetent. A Gulf diplomat previously complained about Witkoff’s “bogus misrepresentation of himself as a ‘man of peace.'”

The Arms Control Association documented these war clowns.

In background briefings after the Geneva talks, Witkoff characterized the Tehran Research Reactor as “subterfuge” and a weapons threat.

That’s a lie.

The TRR is a US-supplied facility, operational since 1967, used to produce medical isotopes. It was converted by Argentina to run on 20% enriched uranium fuel.

Witkoff’s claim that Iran had an “overabundance” of fuel for the reactor was the calculated fabrication of a technical pretext by a negotiator who had already decided America should go to war while falsely claiming it wanted peace.

And that’s why we see headlines today claiming peace and war plans at the same time.

Trump’s team game planning for potential Iran peace talks

Trump tells Iran it has 48 hours to open Hormuz or US will ‘obliterate’ its power plants

Neither will be successful. An endless war plan for profit.

Robert C. Rowland, a professor of rhetoric at the University of Kansas and author of the book “The Rhetoric of Donald Trump: Nationalist Populism and American Democracy” put it like this.

A lot of the rhetoric is performative cruelty. It’s more about him coming across as dominant than it is about making a case that the war has been good for the U.S. and the region and the West and the world.

The peace track fails because the negotiators are financially incentivized by war. The war track escalates because his peace negotiators tell Trump that Iran doesn’t want it, which is false. Both tracks only produce profit for the billionaires starting war.

Kushner is seeking $5 billion or more for Affinity Partners from governments in the region while simultaneously negotiating on behalf of the US. Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund pays Kushner $25 million annually in management fees. The Senate Finance Committee estimates Kushner will receive $137 million in management fees from PIF by August 2026.

Assassination is How Netanyahu Seized Power and He’s Not Stopping

The Associated Press published a piece this week warning that Israel’s decapitation strategy in Iran “could backfire.” The article quotes scholars who note that killing leaders tends to radicalize successors, spike civilian violence, and produce chaos rather than compliance. Every historical example the article itself cites confirms the pattern: Hezbollah after Musawi, Hamas after Yassin, Congo after Lumumba, Libya after Gadhafi, Iraq after Saddam.

Not one case produced a success, a stable successor government. Every case produced instability and mass suffering.

The article treats this as a warning. Israel sees it as a trophy.

Who Profits From Failure

Palantir’s business model comes from Nazi Germany. Their profit is from human lives lost. That’s why their stock rose 15% in a single week after the confused and endless Operation Epic Fury looked less and less like it will ever end.

Rosenblatt Securities raised its price target to $200 and wrote, in a research note to investors, that “conflict in the Middle East bodes well” for Palantir’s pipeline of body bag counts and terrorists created. Wall Street saw dollar signs.

Palantir soaked up $1.9 billion in U.S. taxpayer money last year, up 66% because of the corruption under Trump. Sixty percent of the company’s total revenue comes from sugary government contracts. The Department of Defense, which knows the technology doesn’t work, expanded the Maven Smart System contract ceiling from $480 million to $1.275 billion. The Army was forced by Trump business consultants to consolidate 75 separate contracts into a single $10 billion agreement. NATO even adopted Maven. The company has collected $7.2 billion in cash.

Alex Karp, speaking at Palantir’s AIPCon event in Maryland last week, said out loud what the financial analysts were already writing in their notes:

Iran war is a “unique symbiotic relationship between American military strength and AI leadership.”

Symbiotic. The war organism needs the war. The war needs the war organism. He meant to say the military-industrial-complex is back, just like Vietnam. Wait until you hear the nightly death tolls.

A resolved conflict is a lost contract for these unvarnished death machine peddlers.

A human you can negotiate with is someone you don’t need Palantir to murder. After they are murdered, there’s no system to hold the killers accountable for hitting the right person. The more wrong people targeted, the more killing accelerates to cover tracks. A stable Iran with a functioning government is a country that doesn’t require $1.275 billion in untrustworthy AI targeting. The incentive structure is the Loch Ness monster pattern. An unresolved mysterious question, for profit, is more valuable than finding an answer.

The Strategy That Never Fails Because Failure Is the Strategy

Netanyahu says the killing of Iran’s leaders is aimed at weakening the government:

rise up and overthrow it…in the mold of the pro-Western monarchy overthrown in 1979.

There has been no uprising. Opposite, resentment against the U.S. and Israel is growing. Iranian authorities crushed mass protests in January. Khamenei’s son Mojtaba, his replacement, is described by every analyst as less compromising than his father. Moreover, those who might have protested before, now don’t believe anyone is coming to help.

Netanyahu knows this. He’s been running the same strategy for decades. Israel killed Hezbollah leader Abbas Musawi in 1992. Under Nasrallah, his replacement, Hezbollah grew into the region’s most powerful armed group. Israel killed Nasrallah and nearly all his deputies in 2024. Hezbollah resumed missile attacks within days of the current war’s start. Israel killed Hamas founder Sheikh Ahmed Yassin in 2004 and yet it had to hunt nearly every architect of October 7 as if there were far more problems instead of less.

Israel doesn’t need scholars to explain this. It happened at home.

Meir Kahane was assassinated in New York in 1990. His movement didn’t die. It radicalized. Baruch Goldstein, a Kach follower, massacred 29 Palestinian worshippers in Hebron in 1994. Yigal Amir, a Kahanist inspired by Goldstein, assassinated Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1995. The man who signed Oslo, the man who could negotiate. Weeks before the killing, a teenage Itamar Ben Gvir brandished an ornament stolen from Rabin’s car on live television and said: “We got to his car, and we’ll get to him too.”

Ben Gvir was exempted from military service because of his extremism. He was convicted of incitement to racism and support for a terrorist organization. He kept a portrait of Goldstein above his fireplace. In 2022, Netanyahu brought him into government as National Security Minister. Bezalel Smotrich, another Kahanist, became Finance Minister.

The veteran Israeli journalist Gideon Levy called what followed “the country’s first Kahanist war.”

The arc from Kahane’s assassination to Netanyahu’s governing coalition is the decapitation backfire running in the other direction. The domestic political class that could make peace was systematically destroyed for it, replaced by younger, more radical, more extreme successors who treat peace negotiation itself as treason. Rabin was the moderate leader. He got killed. What replaced him, thirty years later, is a government whose ideology is a genocidal radical movement functionally indistinguishable from the one that murdered him.

Netanyahu knows what political decapitation produces. He’s the product of it.

Every moderate leader you kill removes a potential negotiating partner. Every radical successor you create justifies the next round of strikes. Every spike in civilian violence proves the enemy is irrational and cannot be dealt with diplomatically. The chaos confirms the premise that produced the chaos.

Max Abrahms, the Northeastern political scientist quoted in the AP piece, has the data: violence against civilians spikes after targeted killings.

When you take out a leader that prefers some degree of restraint, there’s a very good chance that, upon that person’s death, you’re going to see even more extreme tactics.

The article presents him as though he’s making a risk assessment. Read it instead as an intelligence briefing.

Mozambique

Apartheid South Africa understood the mechanism. P.W. Botha’s “Total Strategy” required a buffer of deliberately failed states. The regime called it a cordon sanitaire because a thriving Black-governed neighbor would show Africans could govern themselves peacefully. South Africa armed RENAMO to systematically destroy Mozambique’s political infrastructure, its institutional capacity, its ability to function as a state.

What happened was simple.

The political class got hollowed out. What replaced it was younger, angrier, less institutionally embedded, more easily dismissed as illegitimate. The chaos became self-justifying. Mozambique is still paying for it. The country’s 2024 election crisis, with hundreds killed, mass unrest, opposition leaders assassinated, prison breaks, and neighborhoods resembling war zones, traces directly to the institutional destruction that apartheid’s destabilization inflicted forty years ago.

FRELIMO retained power through decades of alleged electoral manipulation inside a system that was never allowed to develop genuine democratic capacity, because genuine democratic capacity was the thing apartheid needed destroyed.

The Iranian political class is getting the same treatment in real time. You don’t need to install a friendly government if you can ensure no functional government exists. A fragmented Iran that can’t project power coherently, can’t negotiate credibly, can’t offer a deal anyone would take — that’s not the backfire. That’s the cordon.

The Crooks

Palantir signed a strategic partnership with Israel’s Ministry of Defense in January 2024, weeks after October 7. Thiel and Karp flew to Tel Aviv personally for the signing. The company’s AIP system, allegedly designed to analyze enemy targets and propose combat moves, went operational for what the company described as “war-related missions.”

The same company also holds the IAEA’s MOSAIC contract, a $50 million system that modernized nuclear safeguards inspections in Iran. Palantir’s data-mining and predictive technology sits at the center of the monitoring regime that produced the reports Israel and the U.S. cite to justify strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities. The company that helps build the case for the war is the company that profits from executing it.

Palantir also powers the Gaza Civil-Military Coordination Center, a U.S. military compound in Kiryat Gat set up to execute the Trump administration’s post-war plan for Gaza. And it runs ICE’s Investigative Case Management system, the deportation infrastructure that profiles people by combining immigration history, biometrics, social media, and license plate data.

The UN Special Rapporteur on Palestinian human rights concluded there are “reasonable grounds” to believe Palantir’s AI platform has been used in Israel’s unlawful use of force, causing disproportionate civilian casualties.

Norway’s largest asset manager divested. The British Medical Association condemned the company’s access to NHS patient data. The University of San Francisco divested.

None of the crimes against humanity slowed the stock price. None of it reduced the contract pipeline. The accountability mechanisms to stop Palantir have produced nothing.

Quiet But Deadly

The financial press is saying this with no apparent awareness that it constitutes a confession. “Defense Stocks Set to Rise if the Iran War Drags On.” “Wall Street Loves Palantir Stock as the Iran War Rages On.” “The U.S.-Iran Conflict Validates Its Unstoppable AI Military Moat.”

Palantir’s entire valuation thesis depends on the continuation of the condition the AP article describes as a “backfire.” Radical successors, civilian violence spikes, leadership vacuums, perpetual instability — each is a line item in a pitch deck. Each justifies the next contract expansion, the next price target increase, the next quarter of 70% revenue growth.

Karp called it symbiotic. He was being precise. The organism feeds on chaos. The chaos feeds on the organism. A negotiated settlement is an extinction event for the business model.

The AP article ends with a Carnegie scholar saying,

You can decapitate an organization or defeat it militarily, but if you don’t follow through politically, it doesn’t work.

He meant it as a criticism. By now it should be obvious that “it doesn’t work” assumes the goal was political resolution. If the goal is apartheid with permanent instability, permanent demand for targeting infrastructure, permanent justification for military spending, and permanent proof that the enemy is ungovernable, then it works as designed.

Assassination is the method, chaos is the product.

Play Review: Logan’s “Red” Censures Rothko Identity to Vilify Him for Not Being Christian Enough

I sat down to watch a production of John Logan’s Red. The actors landed a distinct “Oy.” They invoked Rothko’s Russian roots and his abrupt landing as a Jewish boy in America. They channeled a cadence of immigrant memory with enough conviction that the audience nodded along, satisfied that this play knows whose story it is telling.

It does not.

As a disinformation historian, I was genuinely surprised to see the methods used in a play to undermine the protagonist. Exploring how and why is likely to expose deeply rooted prejudice in Christian narratives that have been designed for centuries to isolate and erase Judaism.

Poster advertising the famous, award-winning play “Red” about the artist Rothko.

First, it’s a fact that major books on Rothko exist and none of them center his Jewish intellectual tradition as the interpretive key. There is a known history of erasure within a biographical track. Cohen-Solal’s biography in the Yale Jewish Lives series comes closest, tracing his Orthodox upbringing, yet even she treats Judaism as biography rather than the interpretive framework for his artistic method. In other words, you can’t just pull up a biography to understand what the play delivers.

Second, this is something not many people are able to recognize, and that’s by design. Many years ago, when I ran a very large war-dialing security project in Milwaukee, I took my team out for Easter lunch. I’ll never forget when one said to me “I hope you don’t mind me saying that I was raised on horror films in Church that told me to believe Jews are my enemy because they won’t obey, and they killed Jesus. But to be honest the teachings don’t make sense now, talking to you”.

He wasn’t the first or the last American that I met who struggled to make sense of his operational context, which he had been raised from very young to believe, as latent antisemitic hatred and bias. He would easily watch a play or film destroying Rothko, yet he would be uncomfortable meeting Rothko in person.

Historians of Nazi Germany point this out repeatedly. Jews would have neighbors who would gladly say the Jews are the problem, cause of all their grief and need to be forced to change, while adding “but I don’t mean you”.

The impact of this play as disinformation matters a lot, when you consider how Red won six Tony Awards in 2010 and has become one of the most frequently staged plays in the American repertoire.

Allow me to explain.

The stage is set to Rothko’s Bowery studio in 1958, where the artist works on murals commissioned for the Four Seasons restaurant in the Seagram Building. He has a fictional assistant to mix paint, stretch canvas, and gradually find the nerve to challenge his employer’s convictions. The confrontation escalates until the young man rises up to liberate himself from Rothko’s demands. Audiences leave feeling they have watched a story about art.

They have watched a public trial.

The audience is set up as witness, the congregation. The young assistant, named Ken, is their proxy, sent in to extract a confession from an old Jew whose crime is trying to make a world on his own terms. How dare he exert confidence in his opinions and not bow down to the Christian system of modesty and shame?

Christian Control

Logan builds his depiction of Rothko around a single psychological engine: control. Control of the viewer’s distance. Control of the lighting. Control of the emotional conditions under which the paintings may be experienced.

The play incorrectly casts the Christian perception of control as Rothko being overprotective. We are meant to observe a tortured artist shielding sacred work from a profane commercial world, terrified that his paintings will become wallpaper for Manhattan’s wealthiest diners.

This is a tortured misreading so fundamentally wrong about Rothko, that Logan inverted the man’s entire practice.

Rothko was raised with an Orthodox Jewish education at cheder before immigrating to Portland at age ten. He brought his formal Jewish education to art as one of the major abstract expressionists. It isn’t a footnote, it’s the lens through which his entire practice becomes legible. In other words, to those who know a thing about Orthodox Judaism, his insistence on setting a viewing environment (lighting, proximity, enforced intimacy) does NOT map to a Christian framework of control. He was NOT an artist defending the sacred from the fallen world. He was doing the exact opposite.

Rothko was practicing tzimtzum.

In Lurianic Kabbalah, tzimtzum is the divine contraction: God withdraws in order to create the space in which creation becomes possible. The infinite possibility of light must be constrained or it destroys rather than illuminates. The dialogue in the play regularly returns to question Rothko for saying he doesn’t like the “outdoor” light rather than recognize he was invoking “infinite” light as interference with his ability to create. Lines in the play about color absolutism (black, white) are presented completely detached from the Kabbalistic context that gives them meaning. Chabad’s commentary on tzimtzum tells us:

Before the beginning, there was nothing but light. Infinite light. The notion of a world was absurd… So He hid the light. All of it. There was absolute darkness. And now there could be a world.

During the play I heard the audience all around me guffaw and chortle at “difficult” Rothko lowering the lights, while his assistant mocked him for it. I cringed. It felt incredibly awkward, as if I was seeing with two eyes in a production that was meant for the blind. How could people not see? Oh, right, they don’t know anything about Rothko’s faith or the Kabbalah.

Rothko being framed with a restriction of light, his indoor control obsession, is not defense. It is method. Barnett Newman, Rothko’s close friend and fellow abstract expressionist, made this connection explicit. Newman’s Zim Zum I (at SFMOMA) proves the kabbalistic vocabulary was named and present in the artistic community. The Rothko Chapel itself, which Newman’s Broken Obelisk stands outside of, proves Rothko’s entire practice pointed toward sacred space. The Kabbalistic vocabulary was not hidden, it was not obscure, it was not inaccessible. It was sitting in the artistic community Rothko inhabited, named and present.

Logan ignored and then erased it, because it would not have allowed his trial of Rothko to continue.

Even Logan’s own script betrays what it is erasing. His Rothko says he wants to create “a place where the viewer could live in contemplation with the work.” His Rothko tells Philip Johnson he will make the restaurant “a temple.” These are lines Logan wrote — and they point directly toward the Kabbalistic framework the play refuses to engage with. The real Rothko wrote to the critic Katherine Kuh that he put his trust in the psyche of the sensitive viewer who is free from conventional patterns of thought. He was not building controls. He was performing the opposite, a Jewish philosophy of withdrawal that makes revelation structurally possible.

Logan did not see this, and went to great effort to misrepresent Rothko with control concepts that Christians easily could judge and condemn. The only version of artistic control his script allows the viewer to imagine is fear.

Bringing a Kabbalistic decoder to the play is a revelation, which exposes the audience gasping and laughing at a “difficult man who causes conflict” for all the wrong reasons.

Chavruta as Psychodrama

Logan didn’t just miss the foundation of Rothko. The distortion of him runs through every confrontation.

Logan writes exchanges as verbal assaults, trying to frame Rothko as “battering” his assistant with demands, provocations, and intellectual challenges that leave Ken shaken and defensive. The Logan story arc requires “battering” for a setup, like a nod to Greek mythology-telling traditions. Ken must accumulate enough wounds to justify his crusade of rebellion, his walk out the door and into his own life. Rothko is depicted as the one who says the son must overthrow the father, and then his apprentice overthrows him as consequence. The young replaces the old. The audience feels catharsis. The audience doesn’t ask itself why a Jew is being recast into Greek and Christian narratives, erasing his story.

This is Christian supersession as dramatic structure. The son surpasses and replaces the father, the new covenant fulfills and discards the old. It is a narrative shape so deeply embedded in Western theatrical convention that most audiences cannot see it operating as a template that disrespects the subject.

It is NOT a Jewish shape.

What Logan writes as domination is a mistake, when you understand Rothko practicing chavruta. The Talmudic study partnership makes argument the mechanism of shared discovery. It opposes authoritarian control, favoring a partnership. You push, I push back, and in the friction something emerges that neither participant owned before the encounter. That heat is NOT the abuse framing that Logan is so desperate to deliver audiences. It is how a Jewish intellectual growth tradition works. The intensity is NOT a flaw to be overcome, even the emotion is NOT a flaw. It is the LOVE of a teacher who refuses to let a student remain comfortable in an incomplete and dispassionate understanding.

Logan’s script acknowledges the possibility but it immediately forecloses it. Look at how he portrays Rothko when he tells Ken:

I am not your rabbi, I am not your father, I am not your shrink, I am not your friend, I am not your teacher — I am your employer.

The line gets a laugh. The audience hears the rabbi line, a series of diminishing steps (negating the actual role of the rabbi) and then the “I am your employer” cold landing.

Logan intentionally strips away every actual Jewish relational frame that would make Rothko’s intensity authentic and legible, leaving only a “coin-operated Jew” of commercial transaction.

The antisemitism latent to Logan’s perspective isn’t to be underestimated. Audiences raised with the same framing likely welcome the repetition and reinforcement of what they were already thinking. The coin-operated Jew, of course, that makes sense to the congregation judging Rothko. Once the relationship is distilled to the Jew employer and the mistreated employee, the demands become illegitimate. Rothko’s passion is inverted into derangement, pathology. His love and care become captured and redefined unfairly as control.

Decoration and Erasure

Every production of this play serves as anti-Jewish disinformation, erasing specific people in society. The script puts Rothko on trial, but anyone who knows the intellectual tradition it points toward can feel the much greater impact.

The Judaism is acted upon as decorative, like a prop. “Oy” landed so flat, like hanging a Santa on an oak tree in August and saying Merry Christmas, that I almost couldn’t sit through another minute. But I soon witnessed Judaism being invoked for a far more dangerous purpose, assigning blame for every “difficult man” problem being depicted.

Here’s an old Jew you want to get to know because he’s famous, and here’s why you shouldn’t like him. Do you feel comforted by the shared exercise of misunderstanding him, “othering” him, and discrediting him? Is it just coincidence that it circles around him being a Jew? Rothko becomes a vessel to carry a message opposite of who he really was. By introducing him without connecting Judaism to anything structural in the play, every production is actively erasing him through targeted attacks on his identity.

The play does not explore Rothko. It prosecutes him.

The group I saw spent the time after the play discussing how they read a biography of the man, and they struggled to read more than a page or two of Nietzsche. Actors emphasized the routines to put on the play as a done deal, a matter of material being canon, without questioning anything in it.

The structure is settled, apparently, as a communal shaming ritual: actors seem to have no issue putting on a public humiliation of the one who won’t conform, the performative exposure of difference as arrogance, the insistence that confidence is sin. Rothko is on display, without his consent, for the audience to watch him be broken as an example for others to not be “like him”. His refusal to make himself small or legible on the dominant culture’s strict interpretation of him, that is the tension.

Being familiar with the Christian intellectual architecture makes the play resonate. Being familiar with Jewish intellectualism makes the play unbearable.

When it references Nietzsche’s Birth of Tragedy, Caravaggio’s Conversion of Saul, Michelangelo’s Laurentian Library, the pattern emerges. The Apollonian-Dionysian framework is dropped like a bomb on Rothko. The suffering artist is presented as sacrificing himself for the integrity of the work. One reviewer described Rothko as an artist “whose paintings were a dynamic battle between Apollo and Dionysus.” No one seemed to notice a Greek reading does not fit the Jewish painter who studied Talmud before he studied art.

Why? I’ll explain, because this play proves to me audiences have no idea just how much disinformation is being fed to them.

The Apollonian-Dionysian framework is a conflict model. It presupposes two irreconcilable forces with order against ecstasy, form against dissolution, and the artist is trapped between them. Nietzsche’s formulation was that tragedy is what happens when neither force can win. The hero is destroyed by the tension. This is the engine Logan installs in Rothko: a man torn between the sacred and the commercial, between control and surrender, between creation and self-destruction. It demands that he fall.

And it’s completely, utterly wrong.

Imagine two halves in balance the same way you ride a bicycle by riding with both left and right as oppositional forces working together to allow forward motion. It’s the same way a sailboat moves only when it is in opposition, wind against water, otherwise it is stuck. There are many religions like this, whereas the Greek stories of Apollo and Dionysus aren’t even close to relevant.

Jewish intellectual tradition has no such requirement for the conflict that Logan sets up with Greek framing to discredit the ideas of Rothko. The Talmudic method holds opposing positions in permanent productive tension (machloket l’shem shamayim, argument for the sake of heaven) where contradictions are not resolved but sustained as necessary for movement forward.

Hillel and Shammai do not destroy each other, because that would prevent good. They sit on the same page. In Kabbalistic thought, darkness and light are opposite of war, they are togetherness. The darkness is the vessel that makes light apprehensible. You can’t see stars without the beauty of the night. Rothko’s practice of layering, the darkness that contains color, the restriction that enables encounter is integrative, not tragic.

Logan’s imposition of a tone-deaf Greek binary onto it turns a Jewish artist’s coherent method into a bizarre European death wish, which conveniently produces the broken genius that the Christian-steeped audiences came to see broken.

Logan did not invent this problem, of course. He simply won wide recognition for perpetuating and expanding it among people eager to see. And that’s the actual problem.

As a scholar in the Journal of Modern Jewish Studies has observed, exhibition organizers and essayists have consistently steered clear of questions about Rothko’s Jewish identity and his notion of sacred experience. The assumption has been that Rothko’s universalism transcended his Judaism, which is a formulation that conveniently avoids asking whether the universalism itself was shaped by Jewish intellectual tradition. Rothko has to be understood as a Latvian Jewish immigrant who had attended cheder and yeshiva, who co-founded an artists’ group in which nine of ten members were Jewish, who spent his life applying Jewish intellectual traditions to the conditions under which his work could be encountered.

And yet, the dominant critical response has been to misread him through Nietzsche and Jung.

Logan’s play is the theatrical culmination of popular erasure of a Jew, vilifying along the way with tropes about “control” and “money” that don’t even fit the man.

The Inversion

The sinister operation of Red is that it is far more than either lazy or willful ignorance of Jewish traditions. The play does not merely fail to understand a Jewish man, let alone the foundational background of Rothko himself. It projects onto a Jewish identity the very pathology of the system that produced the play.

Christian domination doctrine is obedience-based.

The father’s role is to produce compliance. The congregation’s role is to submit. Authority flows downward and is not to be challenged. When it is challenged, the challenger is the problem and not the structure. This is the alien model that Logan very intentionally imposes on Rothko’s studio. Rothko demands, Ken obeys or suffers. The audience watches a tyrant and his victim in the frame of Christian traditions.

However, Rothko was not the actual authoritarian in this story. The authoritarian was the system that he refused to serve. This cannot be overstated. The commercial art world that wanted his paintings as decoration for the rich, the cultural establishment that wanted his intensity made safe and consumable. Rothko’s entire career was a challenge to that system of authoritarianism that he balked at. His withdrawal from the Four Seasons commission was not him having a revelation inspired by Ken, nor was it a breakdown. It was the act of a Jewish man being principled in a most Jewish way, that he would not let his work be domesticated by power. The play takes the liberator, with his deeply-rooted philosophy since childhood of liberation, and recasts him as the despot.

This is projection by Logan.

The Christian institutional model shames dissent, punishes nonconformity, and treats the refusal to submit as moral failure. Logan takes this and accuses the Jew of the very thing the institution does. The mob that enforces obedience frames the man who refuses to bow as the bully.

Jewish tradition has a name for this pattern, in case you were wondering why it’s so easy for someone familiar with Judaism to see it even when others can not.

This is the story known as Book of Esther, which effectively teaches little Jewish girls they have women heroes to look up to who fought power and won.

In the story, the antisemitic Haman demands that everyone kneel to his authority. Mordecai will not on principle that he does not kneel to false authority. And Haman’s response is not to question his own authority but to mark Mordecai for destruction, which means not just Mordecai, but his entire people. The crime is not what Mordecai did. The crime is that he dared to insist on his own terms.

Sound familiar?

Logan’s Red runs the same inversion. It takes the artist who challenged the commodity system and makes him the oppressor. It takes the assistant who represents that system’s values of youth, accessibility, the rejection of difficulty and makes him into the hero.

Logan gives his audience shame directed at a Jewish man for ninety minutes, and wants it to be registered as art.

Who Gets to Define the Terms

Jewish intellectual confidence is rewritten as aggression. The Jewish protagonist says he knows when he knows, he doesn’t know when he doesn’t, and the Christian rewrites it as uncomfortable overconfidence and failure of modesty. How dare a man think for himself, to exert authority over his own destiny in a way Catholics are raised to believe is shameful. The play traps Rothko in a false binary: aspiring Christian authoritarian or broken failure. It never considers that he was neither. He was genuinely anti-authoritarian.

Logan takes nurturing intensity and rewrites it as manipulation. He takes a commanding presence rooted in a tradition where ferocious engagement is love, and presents it as a problem the young assistant must solve by abandonment. Catholic framing is unmistakable, where leaving and silencing are the preferred tools over the balance of an embraced, inherent conflict.

The play needs Rothko to break down at the end so the audience can leave feeling they witnessed something profound rather than something that they did to him.

The only resolution the script offers is the gentile’s liberation from the control and money-seeking Jew’s demands. Ken leaves to “belong” while Rothko is cast out to be alone. The audience is invited to feel that something has been set right. But the play never asks the question that would unmake its entire structure: What if the demands were not pathology but pedagogy? What if the intensity was not something to survive but something to join?

In a 2012 review for The Arts Fuse, the visual artist Franklin Einspruch asked what a “treyf, naive Iowan” was really meant to be doing in the studio of Mark Rothko, the artist “with commensurate aspirations to grasp the unnamable essence of being.” The imbalance was the sharpest observation I have found about Red, and apparently no one explored this any further.

Perhaps the Christian establishment has no interest in developing any critique of a play that trashes Jewish intellectualism. It was too busy handing out awards.

Not just six Tonys. The Drama Desk. The Olivier.

A playwright built a machine that chewed up a famous Jew and spit out his bones, and the industry gave it every prize available. A Catholic dramatic structure that shames Jewish difference, rewards conformity, and treats the insistence on one’s own terms as the gravest sin does not operate against the interests of a Christian cultural establishment. It operates as one. It’s an expression of how the establishment uses its dominance to control narratives that harm the minorities it claims to be “converting”.

I’m reminded of a recent court case where American Native people had their voice officially removed by an American court, which ruled that the Oil companies oppressing them should decide how to tell their story. In 2026. Logan isn’t the only one writing like this.

Fifteen years and hundreds of productions later, Red continues to tell audiences that Rothko’s Judaism was color and noise to a Greek tragedy rather than the operating system of his entire artistic practice.

In the script, Rothko says he wants to create “a place of communion.” It is the one moment where Logan almost lets him speak from his own tradition, where traditions of shared encounters nearly break through the Christian scaffolding of authoritarian rule. But the script cannot sustain it. Logan needs Rothko to fail in the way he expects, to collapse into the tortured isolation that will justify Ken’s “return” to society from the exclusion and independence of Jewish intellectualism.

The play tells you Rothko is Jewish, yet it spends the entire time punishing him for not being Christian enough to make sense to the audience misunderstanding him.